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On January 6th, the regime media, and even much of the Republican Party, immediately declared the Capitol riots an “armed insurrection,” an assault on democracy, and the worst day for the republic since Pearl Harbor or even the Civil War.
For months, Revolver has been doing the investigative work that America’s hundreds of other news outlets are too corrupt or too cowardly to perform themselves. We have watched the tape, read the indictments, dissected the news reports, and punctured the narratives.
By now, the sum total of Revolver’s work is long enough to fill a short book. So here, we have collected all of our 1/6 reporting into a single spot, with short summaries for ease of reference.
Where it all began. In the days after the Capitol incursion, deceased Capitol Police officer Brian Sicknick became the Little Saint Hugh of anti-Trumpism. Outlets from The New York Times to the USA Today pushed the narrative that justified the largest criminal manhunt in U.S. history: That Sicknick was bludgeoned to death by a mob of violent Trump supporters.
The famous “fire extinguisher” myth was debunked quickly, yet for weeks on end no further details came out. Why, Revolver asked, did authorities seem so hesitant to release any autopsy of Sicknick? Why was the press reporting Sicknick’s death before his family even knew about it, and in fact, before Sicknick was even actually dead? Why did “Sicknick was killed by a MAGA mob” gradually become “Sicknick died after physically engaging a MAGA mob”? With this first piece, Revolver began the process of blowing 1/6 wide open.
After Revolver’s first report, the Times updated its primary article on Sicknick’s death to note that “new information has emerged” that “questions the initial cause” of Sicknick’s death, an elaborate way of admitting they had initially presented outright fabrications as gospel truth. But in an effort to head off too many questions, outlets like Media Matters and TPM warned that Revolver was part of a brewing “Sicknick truth” movement. While the regime media fought hard to embed a particular narrative in the public’s mind, Revolver noticed the peculiar slowness with which serious criminal evidence was being introduced to the public. Very soon, it would become clear why the FBI wasn’t releasing much evidence: Because what they had was embarrassingly weak.
Three weeks after Revolver‘s initial report, the first big breakthrough came. Newly-leaked information revealed that any effort to turn Sicknick’s death into a murder charge was doomed. The “fire extinguisher bludgeoning” was reduced to a non-lethal attack with a non-lethal weapon resulting in non-lethal charges against the perpetrator. The press strongly implied that this non-lethal weapon was bear spray, but as Revolver pointed out, no actual evidence confirmed that implication. Future developments would once again prove Revolver correct.
Having exposed the sham of the Sicknick blood libel, Revolver moved on to another flimsy pillar of the establishment’s “armed insurrection” narrative of 1/6. Since no guns were actually confiscated at the scene of the incursion, and the only shot fired was by an unnamed officer into the neck of (unarmed) Ashli Babbitt, the claim that 1/6 constituted an armed revolt relied heavily on the claim that insurgents planned in advance to place pipe bombs around the Capitol.
Once again, it fell to Revolver to ask the key questions: With the FBI having so much access to cell phone data, how could they not use that phone data to find the pipe bomb suspect? How could the suspect leave no DNA evidence at all while building their bomb? With so many surveillance cameras around the Capitol, why could the FBI only produce barely two minutes of footage for the public? And most importantly of all, why did the FBI withhold the full versions of the tapes it did release to the public? The FBI’s behavior made no sense if it wanted to catch a criminal suspect… but it made a lot of sense if their primary goal was milking 1/6 to fuel a long-term anti-MAGA narrative.
In mid-March, federal authorities charged Julian Khater and George Tanios with assaulting a police officer after Khater allegedly used bear spray on Officer Sicknick. All kinds of outlets, even “conservative” ones, presented this as providing more clarity about the “assault” on the Capitol on 1/6. But as Revolver explained, the truth was the opposite. The charges against Khater and Tanios were so weak that they actually disproved the notion of any serious attack on Officer Sicknick. Not only that, but the federal indictment declined to show any video, or even still frames, of Officer Sicknick being sprayed. The very plausible interpretation: The FBI couldn’t even back up its own flimsy “assault” case, but was bringing it anyway to prop up the greater narrative of a murderous assault on a Capitol Police officer. And in the process, it was ruthlessly threatening two men with up to 60 years in prison, more than the typical murderer gets, for a “crime” that would plausibly be a misdemeanor if it took place on the streets of Portland.
In the wake of Revolver’s criticisms, the video the FBI was so eager to conceal finally leaked. And it was, naturally, exactly as bad for the prosecution as Revolver suggested. Using digital forensics, Revolver was able to debunk the New York Times’s claim that the video showed Julian Khater using bear spray on Officer Sicknick. In, fact the video shows no spray coming out at all. Not only that, but the FBI may plausibly have mixed up Khater, who was standing a long distance away from Sicknick, with a completely different man in the crowd wearing a similar hat.
Every fact in the video confirmed what Revolver had previously argued: That the FBI was grossly inflating a weak case in an effort to intimidate and terrify the MAGA movement, and bolster the shaky narrative of a January 6 “insurrection.”
Twenty-seven days after Revolver delivered the truth, the regime media and the Department of Justice had to admit defeat. After the long-awaited autopsy confirmed that Officer Sicknick died of natural causes, and there was no evidence he inhaled any chemicals, the DOJ was also forced to abandon its bear spray theory completely.
Supposedly, this left them only with the claim that Sicknick was pepper-sprayed, but Revolver quickly pointed out the the DOJ’s major problem: There was no evidence at all presented of Julian Khater, or anybody else, ever using pepper spray on Sicknick.
Contra the above title, a January 6 commission isn’t confirmed yet, but Democrats are still working to pass it out of the House. Here, Revolver laid out the strategy Republicans should pursue if such a commission is created. Many Republicans have talked about refocusing any investigation on the BLM/antifa riots of 2020. Revolver believes this would be a mistake, though, as it would implicitly accept the regime narrative of 1/6. Instead, Republicans should use a January 6 commission to bring a laser-like focus to every unexplained detail of that day.
Force the FBI, DOJ, and every other relevant agency to tell the truth about any informants and agents they had in the crowd. Find out why Officer Sicknick’s autopsy took months to complete. Demand to know why security was so lax, almost deliberately so. Learn the full story of the FBI’s half-baked pipe bomb investigation, and get access to all the video footage that has been withheld from the public so far. Junk the regime’s precious narrative and demand the truth.
This is the biggest piece of them all and the capstone of the series. Here, Revolver explored the details of the many indictments brought since 1/6, and the number of unnamed sources and co-conspirators who appear to play a critical role in the events of 1/6 and the indictments that came after. Revolver’s findings indicate that Republicans should immediately demand to know how many informants and undercover agents were present on January 6, and how many infiltrators there were within the three groups — the Proud Boys, the Three Percenters, and the Oathkeepers — that have been identified as planning and executing a supposed “insurrection” at the Capitol.